Trisha Baptie , a Canadian former prostitute, who now opposes the industry, and lobbies for the outlawing of buying sexual services, wrote: Proponents of decriminalization believe that all people, including sex workers, are entitled to the same rights regarding safety, health and human rights, and that outdated criminal laws need to be reformed in order to improve the living and working conditions of sex workers. Legalization is often accompanied by strict criminal penalties for anyone who operates outside the legally defined framework. The money thus acts as a form of force, not as a measure of consent. Assuming that all women who chose to partake in sex work are victims of oppression, violates their ability to make an autonomous choice. These feminists argue that the idea of legalizing prostitution in order to control it and "make it a little better" and reduce harm is no different from the idea of legalizing domestic violence in order to control it and "make it a little better" and reduce harm. This stands in direct opposition to the married housewife who does not have the sexual autonomy of the sex worker.
The selling of sex ultimately consists of a buyer and a seller trying to negotiate for the best deal. These feminist authors have criticized what they see as the unproductive and often bitter debate that characterizes the two-position analysis of prostitution. December See also: Most liberal feminists who look at prostitution from a capitalist perspective support some form of either decriminalization or legalization. Legalization is often accompanied by strict criminal penalties for anyone who operates outside the legally defined framework. Prostitution can only further harm Aboriginal women. The sex work perspective maintains that prostitution is a legitimate form of work for women faced with the option of other bad jobs, therefore women ought to have the right to work in the sex trade free of prosecution or the fear of it. Instead, they consider their actions to be liberating and providing them with a sense of control. Pro-sex-work feminists argue that this assumption is flawed, and that while prostitution, as it currently exists in our society, can be misogynist or degrading in some manifestations, there is a grave danger in attributing these conditions to prostitution itself. They are free to accept or to decline any sexual advance. Instead they prefer the term "criminal sexual acts". Such authors highlight that in allowing arguments about prostitution to be reduced to a stale analysis and theoretical debate, feminists are themselves contributing to the marginalization of prostitutes, simplifying the nature of the work they carry out and the personal circumstances that involve each individual. I have learned that my assumptions are not always right. The money thus acts as a form of force, not as a measure of consent. For radical feminists this is because prostitution is always a coercive sexual practice. I have investigated the breast milk trade in Cambodia, where wealthy American businessmen recruit pregnant women and pay them a pittance for their milk. Social activist groups like The Red Thread, founded in , seek to educate the public, provide legal and medical assistance to sex workers, and help organize sex workers into groups in order to better protect themselves and to become advocates. These feminists see prostitution as a form of slavery, and say that, far from decreasing rape rates, prostitution leads to a sharp increase in sexual violence against women, by sending the message that it is acceptable for a man to treat a woman as a sexual instrument over which he has total control. Proper woman is a term that has its definition rooted in socialization and not fact. Discourses around sex work and trafficking are often linked, based on prejudices, morals and somewhat dramatic rhetoric and images. Trafficking of women into New Zealand into legal and illegal brothels is a serious problem, and for every licensed brothel there are, on average, four times the number that operate illegally. Forced prostitution Some feminists, including many who identify as supporting the abolition of prostitution, see the selling of sex as a potential after effect of violence against women. This stands in direct opposition to the married housewife who does not have the sexual autonomy of the sex worker. The institution of prostitution itself is seen by abolitionists as resting on these conditions and therefore they believe legalization or decriminalization will only lead to the reinforcement of these conditions. Shrage claims that in a determination to undermine patriarchy, pro-sex feminists have advocated a reckless and " Milton Friedman style" deregulation of laws surrounding prostitution, without considering the implications that this may have upon women involved in sex work, particularly given the nature of the sex trade, which is more likely to be plagued by exploitation and poor working conditions, concerns that must be of importance to any feminist.
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